Feminine dissidents in Russia

  

Pussy Riot, Feb. 14, 2012/By Denis Bochkarev, Creative Commons, Wikipedia

Russia has many feminist groups, but it has not been easy for them to connect or learn about the existence of similar organizations since communication isn't the greatest.

Thanks to samizdat and other means, though, that is changing.

This was the account by Ella Rossman and Dimitry Kozlov, both from Moscow's Higher School of Economics where Ms. Rossman is an historian and research assistant at the International Centre for the History and Sociology of World War II, and Mr. Kozlov is a research fellow at the Poletayev Institute for Theoretical and Historical Studies in the Humanities. 

With Valerie Sperling, political science professor from Clark University, they spoke and answered questions at a webcast titled Feminism in Russia: From Soviet Samizdat to Online Activism.

The Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars was the host with the Institute's Izabella Tabarovsky moderating.

Dr. Kozlov presented a brief history of samizdat, an underground system of communication which publishes and distributes by hand content free of the censor's pen. The purpose is to the plight of women in Russia, including inequalities they endure and assaults at home. 

Covid's rampage has alarmed authorities who worry the disease is causing an uptick in domestic violence. Many women are stuck at home with abusive husbands who are irritable from job loss and lack of work. 

The U.S. treats domestic violence more seriously than Russia where the crime dates back hundreds of years. In the 16th century, German Ambassador to Russia Baron Sigismund von Herberstein reported a man who beat his wife constantly (at her invitation) until the man finally beheaded her. He was not charged with any crime.*

Dr. Sperling, the author of Sex, Politics, and Putin: Political Legitimacy in Russia, briefly outlined the rise of the Russian feminist movement and its values which are perceived as threats to men.

"Feminism is dangerous precisely because it explicitly reveals and questions that patriarchal hierarchy where masculinity is valued over femininity.”

She continued: There is a need for action to protect women and to allow them voices in today's society. Religion is the natural enemy of all feminist values because they conflict with tradition.

Indeed, Yelena Mizulina, longtime member of the Russian Parliament, believes women should stay home, give birth,  raise children, and avoid the practice of science.

A major difficulty in the march towards freedom, acceptability, and equal rights in Russia has been myriad women's groups which, until more recently, were unaware of similarly likeminded gatherings, said Ms. Rossman. More than 300 events were produced by women in Russia last year.

She reported that between 30 to 40 feminist groups existed in Moscow in 2019 with many more found throughout the nation. Five years ago, feminist art galleries were "booming" in St. Peterburg.

Dr. Sperling described a 2015 account of a jailed rapist who received a prize from an art gallery which provoked a rebuttal prize from a woman's group to the gallery for its "amorality."

In 2014 a feminist group began giving awards to the biggest sexists of the year including one to a Russian leader who boasted that "when we take over America" (which Dr. Sperling noted didn't seem as strange now as it did then), anyone can punch anyone in the face in the U.S. whenever he hears the word "sexist."

Supporters attending a 2015 labor rally for women were sprayed with urine.

Trying to stop the feminist movement is like trying to hold back ocean waves. The movement grows, although at a much slower pace than many would like.

The webinar was spoken in Russian and English with translations available.

The Kennan introduction described the program:

Forty years ago, the Soviet Union expelled females dissidents for pubishing a samizdat journal where contributors considered pressures on women, the double standard in the nation and unequal treatment they received in the "supposedly egalitan society." Since then, many new groups of female activists have emerged in Russia demanding equality and recognition.

*Notes Upon Russia, A Translation of that Earliest Account Of That Country translated to English by R.H. Major of the British Museum and the Hakluyt Society by Baron Sigismund von Herberstein, Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich in the Years 1517 and 1526

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At the think tanks: Dr. Fiona Hill

Fiona Hill/Wilson Center

Yes, that Fiona Hill. The one who testified at Trump's impeachment trial.

A former member of the National Security Council (2017-2019), she is a senior fellow at Brookings who spoke last week on a webcast hosted by the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. 


Kennan director, Matthew Rojansky, led the discussion in a program titled: The Putin Profile: A Conversation with Dr. Fiona Hill.

Fiona Hill, center left, next to John Bolton, then U.S. National Security Advisor, meeting with Vladimir Putin, across the table, and other Russian leaders at the Kremlin, June 27, 2018/Wikimedia Commons, Kremlin.ru, CC

Vladimir Putin has practically sucked all the "oxygen" out of Russia with his international agenda and his neglect of domestic affairs, Dr. Hill began her talk. Hence, demonstrations throughout Russia (particularly in the Far East).

"Soviet times" had many more "checks and balances," but since 2000, Putin has become "the state."

Rather than paying attention to Russia, Putin focuses on the world at large, vying to become an "elder statesman." He wants to regain Russia's "seat at the table" and get Russia back in the mix as a great power with big global ambitions which explains his interest in Syria, Venezuela, Libya, the Middle East, and Africa. 

"'Hey!'" Putin says (quoting Dr. Hill): "'We've still got the ability to project force" and "be at the table."

He's "obsessed" with the U.S., but this "mud wrestling" does not advance his program.

One of the reasons Putin's leadership role in Russia was extended until possibly 2036 by approval last month of constitutional amendments, is because he was (is?) "increasingly seen as a "'lame duck.'"

"Where are all the fresh ideas?" to make Russia great? Perpetual cycles of conflict are "not very helpful." 

Answering a question from a viewer about Trump's  re-election, Dr. Hill said Putin has more to gain by "upsetting America" and "sowing discord" which will be more difficult for Russia to achieve if there's a large voter turnout in the U.S.

"It's clear he wants to see a weaker U.S. president no matter who he (sic) is." A "fairly diminished U.S. president" will be good for Russia. 

"The more we're in a fight with Russia," she said (she became a U.S. citizen in 2002), "the less we can focus on bigger issues."  Arms control is a "necessary endeavor."

The "heavy breathing" and "hysteria we have" in the U.S. about Russia cannot compare to what "we" should be focusing on when it comes to China.

She has met Putin several times and "in some respects, what you see is someone who's grown much more comfortable" in his role(s).

"He's decided to put on many faces," a man "who has thought a lot about his brand" (which threatens to grow stale), riding shirtless on a horse. All these actions "appear deliberate to signal his vigor to the rest of the world, because, 'Hey! Don't mess with me!'" is the message he tries to convey.

She was not saying, she emphasized, that "he's lost his edge," but he's "kind of lost [with] what's going on domestically."  

Mentioned several times during the conversation was her book, Mr. Putin: Operative at the Kremlin (2013), co-authored with Clifford Gaddy.

patricialesli@gmail.com

At the think tanks: Czar for life?

Vladimir Putin, Feb. 20, 2020/Wikimedia, Kremlin


A tour guide in Moscow laughed when I bought a magnet at a gift shop with Vladimir Putin on one side and Dmitry Medvedev, Russia's president from 2008 to 2012, on the other side. With a gradual turning of the magnet, the pictures morphed into likenesses of each man.

"Putin will be premier for life," the tour guide joked. Seven years later, and it looks like she may be right.

Vladimir Putin meeting with permanent members of the Security Council of the Russian Federation, July 17, 2020/Kremlin

On July 1, 2020 Russian voters amended their constitution giving Putin the right to run for office in 2024 and extend his reign as Russia's president until 2036 when he'll be 84 years old.
 
Writes Oksana Antonenko in a report this month titled Winning the Referendum and Losing Legitimacy in Putin’s Russia:

"Once again [referring to the 1991 referendum], over 77 percent of voters (according to official results) voted in favour of the proposed package of 206 amendments. The large number of amendments was deliberately intended to disguise their true intent: to abolish the term limit for President Putin and to allow him to run again in 2024."*
 
Dr. Antonenko is a global fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars' Kennan Institute and based in Cambridge, U.K.

Last week at the Kennan in a Facebook live talk, scholars Eric Lohr from American University and Matthew Rojansky, Kennan director, discussed Mr. Putin's reign, What Two More Presidential Terms Mean for Putin’s Legacy.Without a hint of sarcasm, they referred to Putin throughout the presentation as "czar" .

If Putin makes it to 2036, Dr. Rojansky said, he will have served as Russia's leader longer than Joseph Stalin and Catherine the Great. (Ivan the Great, Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great, were named, too, in different contexts.)

Dr. Lohr laughed when Dr. Rojansky asked him to project the likelihood of Putin making it to 2036: A lot can happen between now and then, he said. Events have a way of "suddenly turning."

In its 1000 year history, only two Russian leaders have retired from office before they died. (Test: Who were they?**) "Counter-acting forces" Dr. Lohr hinted, will likely end Mr. Putin's reign before 2036.


Dr. Lohr described Russian youth as "pretty apolitical now," but the Russian scene can change quickly and this group can "become something very powerful."  

Dr. Lohr noted that in France Napoleon won the title of consulate for life, but things didn't exactly work out that way.
 
Putin is able to blame local governments for most problems in Russia, said Rojansky, since nothing bad happens because of the president (paraphrasing Putin's nuances), ensuring his tenure, at least, for the time being.

Lohr explained that Russia's oligarchs want to keep Putin in office since they rely on him for their wellbeing and who wants to start all over and train someone new?
 
“It’s not just Putin’s will that matters here: it’s those with wealth, the so-called oligarchs, around him. They have an enormous amount to lose if he were to go, because then someone new would come in and redistribute wealth and power and etcetera. So I think it’s just as important that they are unwilling to see him go, but divining what his true intentions are is something that is beyond I think the skills of any of us Kremlin watchers.”

There's not a legitimate means to transfer Putin's power.

Most Russians today, Dr. Lohr said, are not thinking too much about politics: They are thinking about their mortgages, their children's schooling, and the economy. (For the past two months, Russia has sold more gold than natural gas, a first.)
Putin is "riding the nationalist tiger," said Lohr, especially after the Crimean invasion. A "turning point" can ignite "a sudden turn" in the environment.
 
The most important lesson to be learned from 1917, the start of the Russian revolution, Dr. Lohr said: "Never do it again."

Past czars had tradition and religion "on their side" but Putin has neither.

Answering a question from a viewer, Lohr said it was difficult to know if Putin holds more assets and is the richest person in the world. One of the new constitutional amendments passed prohibits elected leaders from holding foreign bank accounts, but it is suspected that a lot of Putin's wealth is tied up in other names, accounts, groups, funds, etc.
 
Dr. Lohr noted the Russians were "angered" that Russia was not invited to the 75th anniversary of the D-Day commemoration last year.

According to Dr. Lohr, "violence is usually a last resort" that governments use since it is a sign of weakness, not strength. (Writer's note: Portland, Oregon.)

When asked to cite good books to read, Dr. Lohr laughed and said he likes to get away from politics because "it's so depressing," but he is reading great Russian literature again, specifically, The Brothers Karamazov, this time with his son.

*Proposed amendments included acknowledging God, enshrining a minimum wage, banning same sex marriage, strengthening the powers of the State Duma, and banning territorial concessions.

**Yeltsin and Khrushchev

The grave of Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971). See Khrushchev's  bust in the center of the tombstone. Novodevichy Cemetery, Moscow/Photo by Patricia Leslie

The grave of Boris Yeltsin (1931-2007) at Novodevichy Cemetery, Moscow/Photo by Patricia Leslie

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At the think tanks: 'A Journey to the Gulag'

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Last week at the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,  Štěpán Černoušek, founder of the Gulag.cz Association, presented A Journey to the Gulag, a film he made of a 2016 trip to a Gulag camp in Siberia.

The camp was one of the labor prisons which originally got their start in 1919 under Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924) and surged under the leadership of Joseph Stalin (1878-1953) who used them for cheap labor and as a place to stash recalcitrants or anyone who remotely may have been deemed suspicious of Stalin's goals, whatever they were. 

Mr. Hynek Kmoníček, the ambassador of the Czech Republic to the U.S., welcomed guests to the Kennan Institute and introduced Mr. Černoušek/Photo by Patricia Leslie


With a team of photographers and videographers, Mr. Černoušek's group traveled by air, water, and foot to an abandoned camp in a remote region 120 miles from the closest town,  one of four labor camps Mr. Černoušek visited between 2009 and 2016.

On the way, the boat they rented for lake travel broke down, and they had to wait for a passing rescue vessel to carry them on their journey, rushing, since time was limited for them to catch a return flight home before winter advanced.

It is cold in September in Siberia, especially when traveling at high speeds across a lake in an open boat.

From left are Mr. Štěpán Černoušek and Steven Barnes at the Kennan Institute/Photo by Patricia Leslie

Reaching the coast, the men tore their way through the thick  tagia to the site, fearful of bears but none were shown.


In the remote forest they found a ghost site with few remains save broken railway tracks covered by the tagia, and barbed wire, practically hidden by the overgrowth.


The tagia is beautiful, like jewelry treasures of the woods with its stripes of many colors and varying heights and widths, reminiscent of giraffe statues, in contrast to the harsh conditions the former residents lived at the camp.

 The tagia and 'Part of 'Project 503' to build a railroad from Salekhard to Igarka near Turukhansk on the Yenisey River, close to the site Mr. Černoušek and his group found /Photo by  Dr. Andreas Hugentobler - Own work, CC BY 2.0 de, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=818367

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018



At the remnants of the camp's hospital, the men found a prisoner's diary written by an engineer, and a dark, sad solitary confinement cell about the size of a parking space with four high walls and single window near the ceiling, much like today's solitary cells in Virginia prisons. (Thank you, ACLU of Virginia for filing a class-action lawsuit.)

An estimated 20 million persons from Russia, the U.S., Poland, France, the Netherlands, and other European nations were confined in subhuman conditions to the camps.  (Americans ventured to Russia to work on construction projects, Mr. Černoušek said.)
  He finished the film in February.

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia,  a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

Outside Yekaterinburg, Russia, a memorial  to the estimated 130,000 area identified citizens seized in the Gulag/Photo by Patricia Leslie, July, 2018

After the Kennan screening ended, a line of guests formed to try virtual "augmented reality" and experience more of the camps through special lenses.

Moscow has a Gulag museum which is not big,  Mr. Černoušek said.  When President Vladimir Putin opened it last year, he never mentioned Stalin's name.

Introducing Mr. Černoušek was Hynek Kmoníček, the ambassador of the Czech Republic to the U.S.

Mr. Černoušek is a Czech citizen and a Russia scholar who, like many enthusiasts, began his study of the Gulag as a hobby, to satisfy his curiosity. 

"I never dreamed [his hobby] would end up in Washington, D.C. at the Kennan Center," he said.  His goal is to "share my experience" using new technologies and 3-D with as many persons as he can.


"It's necessary to speak more about it [now] because it's an international topic," Mr. Černoušek said. 

"Some young people in Russia do not know what the Gulag was." 


He intends to document the sites and educate the world about the Gulag (an acronym for Glavnoe Upravlenie Lagerei, or Main Camp Administration).   

Recently he visited California's World War II American internment camps for the Japanese. 

For him, finding and learning about the Gulag has been "a great adventure" which continues, and his team, all of whom enjoy the outdoors, wants to go back.
  Appearing with Mr. Černoušek were Steven Barnes, associate professor of history at George Mason University, and  Izabella Tabarovsky of Kennan, the moderator.

In 2016 Ms. Tabarovsky discovered  that her great-grandfather, Leonty Briskin, was taken in 1941 from his family to the Gulag.  Fifteen years later he was "rehabilitated" in the "Khrushchev Thaw," and his case closed, which was the same year, 1956, his family learned he died in prison in 1944.  Still, she writes, even today some Russians are ashamed that their family members, although unwilling participants, were part of Gulag camps.


I wanted to ask Mr. Černoušek about the source of his funding.

patricialesli@gmail.com 

At the think tanks: Russia's political prisoners, a talk

/

 Izabella Tabarovsky, the moderator, and Sergey Davidis at the Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., April 23, 2019/Photo by Patricia Leslie

 At the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on Tuesday afternoon, the head of Russia's Political Prisoners Support Program said the nation has 263 "political" persons in jail, arrested on vague charges stemming from Russia's Criminal Code. 

It is an “incomplete number,” said Sergey Davidis, also a member of the Council at the Memorial Human Rights Center in Moscow. Since “we are conservative in our approach,” the actual number is probably two or three times 263, he said.


The prisoners support group determined the number 263 by researching official documents and other materials.

Among those jailed are two journalists and many persons from Ukraine.  One prisoner, Mr. Davidis said, has been sentenced to 20 to 22 years for participating in the "Chechen war." (Wikipedia identifies two Chechen wars: 1994-1996 and 1999-2006.)

Another prisoner, a “random person,” was sentenced to eight to ten years.  Researchers have identified four others on the list who are jailed for “random” reasons. Some have lawyers.

Of the 263, 186 have been identified as religious minorities; 60 are affiliated with Jehovah's Witnesses. So far, the maximum prison sentence has been 24 years.

None of the prisoners condone violence, often mentioned in the Russian Federation Criminal Code as a reason for arrest. The prisoners have expressed “no signs of violence.” They practice opposition peacefully, Mr. Davidis said, when they disagree with authorities.

“The aim of the state is scare the society …and frighten people,” he said. “It’s important for the state to send [the people] a signal.” Persecution in the Russian Federation is “rather uneven.”

Izabella Tabarovsky, the moderator, and Sergey Davidis at the Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., April 23, 2019/Photo by Patricia Leslie

He cited several articles from the Criminal Code which are used to arrest political prisoners: Article 212.1 is related to punishment for those engaged in “mass riots,” and Article 318, for violence against an officer.

Article 354 ("Public Appeal to Unleash An Aggressive War”) is "seldom used" to arrest anyone, but still it is “obviously dangerous” and can be used to arrest those who attempt to incite the public.

Articles 280 and 282 (“not widely cited”) concern extremist activity, behavior, and freedom of expression. Article 205 describes acts of terrorism, punishment and recruiting others to commit terrorist activities. 

Questions from the audience were invited near the close of the one hour session. One person asked if Russia has prisoner quotas and Mr. Davidis answered that several factors are involved but sometimes, yes, there are “real quotas” which “vary from region to region.”

Another questioner asked about prisoner exchanges between Russia and Turkey. Mr. Davidis confirmed that Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan had exchanged two Russian criminals jailed in Istanbul for murdering four Chechens, for two Tatars jailed for religious beliefs, an uneven exchange the questioner noted.

The Kennan website states: Mr. Davidis was educated in sociology at Moscow State University and in law at Moscow State Law Academy. For many years, he was a participant and one of the organizers of the democratic opposition movement. His research interests are closely related to activities to support political prisoners in Russia, and he studies the sociological and legal aspects of politically motivated deprivation of liberty, in particular, in the context of world practice and international norms.

patricialesli@gmail.com

Film 'Finding Babel' highly recommended

Isaac Babel, 1930s/ Wikipedia

When I told my friend Joe that he had missed Finding Babel with Isaac Babel's grandson at the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson Center, he was aghast:

"I have his short stories at home. He is one of the finest Russian writers!"
 
Indeed, he is. Isaac Babel's stories, especially Red Cavalry and The Odessa Tales are considered among the finest in Russian literature (Wikipedia). A Guardian writer has called him "Russia's first modernist."

From left at the Woodrow Wilson Center are Blair Ruble, moderator and vice president for programs and senior advisor, Kennan Institute;  Andrei Malaev-Babel, associate professor of theatre, Florida State University, and David Novack, director, writer and producer of Finding Babel/Photo by Patricia Leslie

Isaac Babel was born in Odessa, Ukraine in 1894 and lived until 1940 when he became one of millions killed by the Stalinist regime. His stories led to his death since Mr. Babel challenged the ideology of the early Soviet Union. In its promotional literature, the Kennan called his writings, "subversive masterpieces."
 
Washingtonians got a sneak preview of David Novak's film and the search for the author's past and more of his writings when Mr. Novak and Mr. Babel's grandson, Andrei Malaev-Babel, presented the film to a SRO crowd at the Center for International Scholars in Washington.

Andrei Malaev-Babel/Photo by Patricia Leslie

For any fan of literature and/or Russian history, the film is "must-see." It is a poignant documentary and tribute to Mr. Babel, filled with quotes from his writings and landmarks of his life, gently defining him and a portion of Russia. With the turmoil in Ukraine and Russia's bullying tactics, Mr. Babel's reputation has grown.

Complementing Mr. Babel's story throughout the film are Russia's landscape and haunting music whose composer, Ljova (Lev Zhurbin), Mr. Malaev-Babel and Mr. Novak praised in the grandest of terms. Mr. Ljova's mostly solemn score fills the film in an unobtrusive way and lays the groundwork for the ending. 

Andrei Malaev-Babel/Photo by Patricia Leslie

When the screening ended, Mr. Novak and Mr. Malaev-Babel, now a teacher at Florida State University, talked about their movie project and answered questions from the audience.

It wasn't until the 1980s that Mr. Malaev-Babel's grandmother learned the truth about her husband's disappearance and death. She was besieged with requests for interviews which didn't take long to became tiresome, her grandson said.   

After she died, Mr. Malaev-Babel and Mr. Novack got together and decided, "why not?"

They scoured Russia and libraries in search of all things Babel whose life and remnants the former regime had tried to wipe out. Making their film en route and finding places "constantly bubbling up of history," Mr. Novack said they found "threads of truth in all [the] myths."

David Novack/Photo by Patricia Leslie

Said Mr. Novack: "We really immersed ourselves in Babel's literature."
 
From Mr. Malaev-Babel, a "curator [at the FSB; formerly the KGB] was a bit too open with the archives. I think his successor will not be as open."

Odessa has a literary museum which is not uncommon in Ukraine and Russia, but rare in the U.S., Mr. Novack said.

According to Mr. Malaev-Babel: "History does not change. It keeps repeating itself. Many countries commit atrocities so why do we point a finger at Russia? Why not sweep it under the table?"
 
Mr. Novack: "Memory is painful. Memory of darkness is a very powerful threat and people don't want to go there."
 
Whenever Mr. Novack sees the film, "it's different every time."  

Blair Ruble, a Kennan senior advisor, served as moderator for the presentation and asked the pair why the Odessa stories are important now.
 
Mr. Malaev-Babel said his grandfather created an alternate universe. "People there [Odessa] can't understand what all the fuss is about Babel. Now everyone imagines Odessa as the way Babel created it, which is inaccurate."
 
His grandfather "created a myth. He had a great gift," but "if Odessa was like Babel described it, we wouldn't be here today."

Founded by Catherine the Great in 1794, Odessa, formerly known as the "Pearl of the Black Sea," is the third most populous city in Ukraine. It is still an important port. In "Soviet times" (1922-1991) and earlier, it was the south capital of the Russian government,

In the Ukrainian-Russian clashes of 2014, about 50 Odessa residents were killed. A survey later that year found no support among Odessa residents to rejoin Russia whose leader, Vladimir Putin, would, no doubt, like to add Odessa back to his empire.

"For a while 'they' tried to convince my grandmother" her husband's writings had been destroyed, Mr. Malaev-Babel said, "but there is a hope" that still more will be found. Two plays have been discovered.

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